Pasadena Will Allow Vaccinated People to Go Without Masks in Most Settings Starting on Tuesday Top of the News EVENTS & ENTERTAINMENT | FOOD & DRINK | THE ARTS | REAL ESTATE | HOME & GARDEN | WELLNESS | SOCIAL SCENE | GETAWAYS | PARENTS & KIDS Subscribe Design Tournament of Roses Announces 2016 Float Judges Tom Bowling, Timothy Lindsay and Jodie Petersen to Select 2016 Float Award Recipients From STAFF REPORTS Published on Thursday, October 29, 2015 | 11:13 am Community News 9 recommended0 commentsShareShareTweetSharePin it Make a comment First Heatwave Expected Next Week Pasadena’s ‘626 Day’ Aims to Celebrate City, Boost Local Economy Get our daily Pasadena newspaper in your email box. Free.Get all the latest Pasadena news, more than 10 fresh stories daily, 7 days a week at 7 a.m. Community News Herbeauty12 Female Fashion Trends That Guys Can’t StandHerbeautyHerbeautyHerbeautyWeird Types Of Massage Not Everyone Dares To TryHerbeautyHerbeautyHerbeautyFinding The Right Type Of Workout For You According AstrologyHerbeautyHerbeautyHerbeautyA 74 Year Old Fitness Enthusiast Defies All Concept Of AgeHerbeautyHerbeautyHerbeautyIs It Bad To Give Your Boyfriend An Ultimatum?HerbeautyHerbeautyHerbeautyWhat Is It That Actually Makes French Women So Admirable?HerbeautyHerbeauty L-R: Tom Bowling, Jodie Petersen and Timothy Lindsay. Photo courtesy Tournament of RosesThe Tournament of Roses has selected Tom Bowling, Timothy Lindsay and Jodie Petersen to be float judges for the 127th Rose Parade® presented by Honda. The judges will grant awards based on criteria such as creative design, floral craftsmanship, artistic merit, computerized animation, thematic interpretation, floral and color presentation and dramatic impact.Tournament of Roses President Mike Matthiessen will announce the award-winning floats the morning of January 1, 2016, at Tournament House. “These floral masterpieces are designed, built and decorated by dedicated teams who put incredible effort into perfecting their fantastic floats,” said Mike Matthiessen. “Our esteemed panel of judges will use their diverse backgrounds and talents to analyze each float and identify those elements that help us best celebrate the many ways in which we may find our adventure in the coming year.”About the 2016 Rose Parade Float Judges Tom Bowling, AIFD, PFCI, is the Director of Education for Syndicate Sales. He travels around the world researching floral trends in colors, textures, patterns and forms, and teaches design programs within the United States and Canada. Bowling has worked for more than 35 years in the floristry industry, including for the California Cut Flower Commission, in the floral wholesale business, and through owning his own retail flower shop. In 1995, he became involved with the Rose Parade as a floral designer and also designed for the Academy Awards for 15 years.As a member of the American Institute of Floral Designers since 1989, Bowling has served as its president and as a certified judge and evaluator. Bowling designed on the National Team for former President Bill Clinton’s inauguration and twice was invited to the White House to design for President Barack Obama.Timothy Lindsay currently oversees restoration, preservation and programming for the Virginia Robinson Gardens in Beverly Hills, Calif. Lindsay serves as a consultant for architects on how to properly restore historic landscapes and has previously taught landscape design at the University of California, Los Angeles. Throughout his career, Lindsay has worked at botanical gardens and in the nursery industry. He has traveled widely to significant gardens in North America and Europe. Lindsay serves as a board advisor to the Friends of Robinson Gardens and maintains many professional affiliations including with the U.S. Department of the Interior — National Park Service-Cultural Resources.Lindsay’s gardens and writings have appeared in various publications including Sunset Magazine and other scientific and garden journals. Home and Garden Television has featured his garden restoration work and design work on multiple programs.Jodie Petersen is a landscape architect for the National Park Service (NPS), Denver Service Center, the central planning, design and construction project office for the NPS. For 24 years, Petersen has worked for the NPS managing projects nationwide including Flight 93 National Memorial, Mesa Verde National Park and Hamilton Grange National Memorial, among others. In 2013, Petersen was elevated to the American Society of Landscape Architects (ASLA) Council of Fellows. She is a Professional Registered Landscape Architect, a LEED accredited professional and a certified Project Management Professional.Petersen was a key team member for an international park project in Qatar, which included assisting the Qatari government with planning for its first national park. She has received many private and public sector awards for the landscape projects she has managed throughout her career.About the Pasadena Tournament of Roses®The Tournament of Roses is a volunteer organization that annually hosts the Rose Parade®, the Rose Bowl Game® and a variety of associated events. Nine hundred thirty-five volunteer members act as ambassadors of the organization and contribute upwards of 80,000 hours of manpower each year. The 127th Rose Parade presented by Honda and themed “Find Your Adventure,” will take place Friday, January 1, 2016, followed by the 102nd Rose Bowl Game presented by Northwestern Mutual. Learn more at www.tournamentofroses.com and on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and YouTube. faithfernandez More » ShareTweetShare on Google+Pin on PinterestSend with WhatsApp,Virtual Schools PasadenaHomes Solve Community/Gov/Pub SafetyCitizen Service CenterPASADENA EVENTS & ACTIVITIES CALENDARClick here for Movie Showtimes Business News Name (required) Mail (required) (not be published) Website Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked * More Cool Stuff Home of the Week: Unique Pasadena Home Located on Madeline Drive, Pasadena
It’s Wednesday, July 3. astead herndon— and the violent crime that often associated and came with them. On its most literal level, it was two top-tier Democrats having the most confrontational, direct moment we’ve seen in the primary so far. astead herndon— a Democrat who understands black communities and has personal and deep relationships in those communities, but as a Democrat who can also unite the kind of outer portions of the state, which saw those issues very differently. archived recordingIn April, after the murder of Martin Luther King, the National Guard was called out in several cities to put down riots. One of these cities was Wilmington, Delaware. But now, in Wilmington, the National Guard is still on duty. And the governor, Charles Terry, has no plan to send it back. astead herndonThe head of the Congressional Black Caucus spoke out against it. Representatives like Bobby Scott said they knew that the kind of increase of police in these neighborhoods would cause detrimental effects.michael barbaroRight. So what turns out to be, over time, the actual impact of all of these bills, including the biggest of them all, that 1994 crime bill, in the years that followed?astead herndonThe undeniable impact is an explosion of America’s prison population that has disproportionately affected black and brown communities. So coming out of the ‘80s and ‘90s, you have a pretty clear articulation from then-Senator Biden that cops and the expansion of cops is a preventative measure. archived recording (joe biden)Before I start, I’d like to say something about the debate we had last night. And I heard, and I listened to, and I respect Senator Harris. But we all know that 30 seconds to 60 seconds on a campaign debate exchange can’t do justice to a lifetime committed to civil rights. astead herndon— the “three strikes and you’re out” kind of policy — archived recordingIt’s going nationwide, especially among the young, a drug so pure and so strong, it might just as well be called crack of doom. astead herndon— where, if you had three instances of drug offenses or violent drug offenses, it would be an instant life sentence. astead herndonIn 1984, that establishes mandatory minimums. In ‘86, the Anti-Drug Abuse Act creates harsher sentences for crack than powder cocaine. And it kind of builds up into the early ‘90s, when Bill Clinton is elected president, the ‘94 bill — astead herndonBut there’s other times when he sounds very much like many of the black leaders in Wilmington who say, I don’t know if I like this remedy, but I do know that the issue of integration is really important. So he’s kind of firmly in the middle. And that kind of middle ground is something we see him stake on a number of issues, most notably crime, where he takes the kind of position and relies on those personal relationships with black communities, while, according to his critics, legislating in the interest of white ones.[music]michael barbaroWe’ll be right back. So Joe Biden takes the middle ground, or the middle ground for that time, on busing. How do we then see that in his approach to crime?astead herndonThis one’s a little different, because while Biden on busing was seen as kind of emblematic of the larger Democratic stance, with crime, he was really kind of pushing the boundaries. At that time, particularly in the ‘80s and ‘90s, was a kind of moral panic happening throughout the country — astead herndonAnd Joe Biden runs for Senate in 1971 as a new type of Democrat — archived recording (joe biden)That Barack and I finally reduced the disparity in sentencing, which we had been fighting to eliminate, in crack cocaine versus powder cocaine. It was a big mistake when it was made. We thought we were told by the experts that, crack, you never go back. It was somehow fundamentally different. It’s not different. But it’s trapped an entire generation. astead herndon— around the explosion of drugs in cities — astead herndonWe know that Joe Biden very rarely apologizes. But it was not until this year that you really have an articulation from Vice President Biden that he played a role as a senator in creating some of these disparities. michael barbaroWell, so Astead, what do you make of how defensive Biden has been to these criticisms and these questions about his legacy, rather than acknowledging, a lot has changed since then. I was doing what I thought was best in the moment. I now see, I now understand that it played out differently than I expected.astead herndonThis is a question I’ve thought a lot about. If by the early 1990s, it was clear to the cops on the ground in Wilmington that the tough-on-crime measures didn’t work, that the disparities that were created in the ‘80s between crack and cocaine were disproportionately hurting black communities, why did it take until this year for Joe Biden to acknowledge it himself? And we don’t have clear answers to that. archived recording (joe biden)I applied to the city of Wilmington for a job, and I was the only white employee here. And I learned so much. And I realized that I live in a neighborhood where I could turn on the television, and I’d see and listen to Dr. King and others. But I didn’t know any black people. No, I really didn’t. You didn’t know any white people either. That’s the truth. But it also felt like this was about the details of a specific policy that Biden was a part of. And most of us probably don’t really understand what his intentions were or what the context of that policy was. So take us back to that time. Where was Joe Biden in his political career?astead herndonWell, Joe Biden began as a lawyer in Wilmington and, eventually, a city councilor in the county. And he was emerging at a really racially contentious time within the city and state. astead herndonYou get a court order in the late ‘70s that says that Delaware schools are too racially segregated, and they must form a plan for racial integration. And a plan is instituted by the courts that says, from the city in Wilmington, which is majority black, and the suburbs outside of it, that both those groups of students were for some portion of their schooling going to have to bus to the opposite community. So for the kind of inner city students, which are majority black, they were going to have to go out to the suburbs for six years. And the outer suburbs would have to come into Wilmington schools for about three years. So this becomes the plan that’s put in place that inflames those racial tensions on both sides of the state.michael barbaroAnd what is Biden’s opposition to that specific solution?astead herndonThat the idea of integration was not a problem, but it was how the courts were forcing them to go about it. You have to think — if you were a parent in the suburbs, which is almost exclusively white, who had made that choice for your family almost entirely around the school district that your child was supposed to go into. And then there is a court order that comes down that says not only are different people coming to that school, but that your child is going to be put on a bus to a different school. That is the logic that those parents used to oppose the idea of busing. And so at one point in 1975, Joe Biden says, the real problem with busing is you take people who aren’t racist, people who are good citizens, who believe in equal education and opportunity, and you stunt their children’s intellectual growth by busing them to an inferior school. And you’re going to fill them with hatred.michael barbaroSo Biden is sympathizing with white parents in the suburbs who are suddenly feeling dislocated by this decision. But what about black parents in this city whose children would be bused to these theoretically better schools in the suburbs? What is Biden saying to them?astead herndonThis is an important point. Although the kind of white suburbs were almost uniformly against busing, somewhat because of the method and sometimes because of pure racism, in black communities, particularly in Wilmington, there is not universal agreement on this issue. There is universal consensus that integration is important and that their schools had not been adequately funded or not been adequately supported by the state. But when you look at polling and when you talk to people at the time, the actual issue of busing is controversial. Remember, these parents themselves had to send their children further away into neighborhoods and communities that may have not always been welcoming to those students. So it wasn’t universally loved. In one poll, about 40 percent of black parents supported the idea, 40 percent were against it, around 20% were unsure. Joe Biden tries to take a nuanced position, where sometimes it seems like he is a vocal opponent of the idea of busing and that he is signaling to the kind of white Delaware that he is their advocate. astead herndonBut in the bigger, more abstract view, these were two different generations of Democrats. One, a barrier-breaking, younger black senator, pushing the old guard, the senator who came in the 1970s, who had relationships with segregationists and avowed racists. She was pushing him on racial issues and trying to hold him accountable for how the Democratic Party has handled issues of race for decades leading up to this point.michael barbaro- Advertisement – astead herndonJoe Biden takes the position, as many other politicians did at that time, that they were not opposed to the idea of integration. What they’re opposed to was the remedy. astead herndonHe felt that the kind of presence of police officers, the increased presence of police officers in these communities, would inherently mean that crime would go down. As the years have gone on, it has become clear that the actual effect was not that, but was the disruption of the communities themselves. When I was in Wilmington talking to folks there, they were saying by 1994, it was already clear that the tough-on-crime kind of measures of the ‘80s weren’t working on the streets. It was not decreasing crime, but more importantly, it was causing a kind of incarceration effect that didn’t have the terminology for mass incarceration that we now call it, but it was clear that communities were getting ruptured by the increase in sentences and the increased focus on tough-on-crime measures.michael barbaroAnd of course, the legacy of busing is that we’ve seen a resegregation of the U.S. school system, because the job was never really done.astead herndonExactly. There is a narrative that busing failed, but the truth is kind of murkier. Busing, as a policy, often did achieve its goals and racially integrate the places it was instituted. What failed was the political will to keep those measures in place that made integration happen and to see racial integration of schools as a necessary problem to solve. So in the last decades, you have not only overturned to pre-busing segregation levels, but in some places, you have racial segregation in schools becoming even worse than they were, or just as bad as they were, at the time of Brown v. Board of Education.michael barbaroSo Astead, it seems like what we’re seeing in the debate last week, in this exchange between Harris and Biden, was that Biden is going to have to confront these past policies as their legacies are understood in the current moment. And that means complicated legacies with real implications, many of them quite negative for the black community.astead herndonJoe Biden is being — his whole record is being examined in new ways. He’s run for president twice before, but never as a front-runner and never as someone who enjoys this amount of support among black communities. Remember, this is still the vice president to the first black president. This is still the person who is seen, oftentimes, as the most likely to beat President Trump in the Democratic Party, which black communities have often seen as their number one goal. So he’s enjoying this kind of support, robust support, among black communities, while at the same time, his rivals are trying to use his record, particularly on busing and crime, to wrest away those votes. And I think that’s a really interesting question, is will these moments, like the one Senator Harris made happen in the debate, will they start to chip away at that image of him as a champion and an advocate for black communities? As people come to understand the record and as people come to understand the context of Delaware at the time, will he be seen as someone who was navigating a difficult racial terrain or as someone who kept black people close, but fundamentally legislated in the interests of white communities?michael barbaroAnd so the question is, will voters evaluate him for what he was trying to accomplish in the ‘70s, and the ‘80s, and the ‘90s, or for what we now understand the impact of those bills to have been up through today? I wonder if you have any sense of how black voters are seeing that from your reporting.astead herndonI spent a lot of time in South Carolina, where we have the biggest population of black voters in the early states. And Joe Biden enjoys a large amount of goodwill in those places. What that is not is a deep connection to Joe Biden as an individual. As I heard someone say recently, his support is wide, but it’s thin. I think that people vote on a lot of different levels. Voting based on policy and record is one of them. Voting based on emotion, and feeling, and connection is another. And I think in this era for Democrats, and particularly for black Democrats who feel as if Trump has brought in a new era of white identity politics, there’s voting based on fear. And what you hear in South Carolina is not that they want to vote for Joe Biden because they believe in the things that he has done. But they see him as kind of an emergency fix to a much worse problem for them, which they believe is the presidency of Donald Trump.michael barbaroAstead, is what you’re saying the black voters may be more inclined to go with a safe choice, because in their mind, in this racial climate and in this political climate, the alternative, which is not winning the presidency, is far more threatening than a Democratic candidate with a debatable historical record on race?astead herndonYep. And I think it’s important to make distinctions when we talk about black voters. We particularly see that kind of calculation among older black voters and black voters who are in the South. Now among younger voters, we see a bigger willingness to reject Joe Biden because of some of those records and to embrace candidates who are talking more explicitly and openly about structural changes to create racial equity. But among the older voters, who remain the real heart and soul of the black vote and a sizable portion of the Democratic electorate, it’s that calculation of safety that’s really helping Joe Biden right now. But we should also say that among those older voters, many of them can remember 1994 and remember the 1980s and may have themselves supported these bills and seen their thinking change as well. And I think that’s the important thing to not forget, is just as Joe Biden has evolved, so have many of these people. And I’ve talked to people who don’t see what he did as particularly invalidating, frankly, because they have experienced that same evolution. And sometimes, I have talked to people who said that ‘94 crime bill ruined their homes, and they also say they can’t wait to vote for Joe Biden in the primary. archived recording (bill clinton)Thank you, Mr. Vice President, for your introduction and for your labors on this bill. archived recording (joe biden)Politicians have done such a job on the people that the people don’t believe them anymore. And I’d like a shot at changing that. astead herndonIt was part of his identity and part of his brand that he cared about civil rights, understood the plight of African-Americans in Wilmington, but also, he understood that kind of outer white Delaware was really motivated around grievance at the time. In 1971, a group of black students had filed a lawsuit in hopes to get the schools to further desegregate. And so the question of school segregation and school integration was very much on the forefront of the state’s politics. And at the exact same time, that’s when the young Joe Biden makes his way to Capitol Hill.michael barbaroAnd what was Biden’s position when it came to desegregation? astead herndonAnd Biden, as someone who had come up in Wilmington, a community that was experiencing these things closely, he had black community leaders, neighbors of his, saying the issue was very important, but that they were looking at kind of root cause problems of why crime was happening. They were talking about issues like education or job opportunities and the like. When the outer Wilmington and the kind of all-white suburbs, you were hearing a more vocal cry for increasing cops, increasing prisons, and really cracking down on those tough-on-crime measures that came to the cities. So again, Biden is caught between political problem, but also one that’s divided pretty clearly on racial lines.michael barbaroAnd so what does he do? michael barbaroDo you think it’s possible that he might fear that if he apologizes, that that might weaken him more with moderate voters who don’t feel that Americans should have to apologize for that period, for those instincts, and for those policies?astead herndonI think that’s a big possibility. I also think Joe Biden was acting in what he believes was good faith, even at that moment, and what he thinks was the evidence in front of him and the context of the time. I think it’s important to always go back to Delaware with him. And in the moment that he comes up in, it is part of his personal and political identity that he was an advocate for the black communities and that he was performing a new role and, frankly, public service to those communities that white politicians had not done in that state. And so I think it’s bigger than just the political realities of right now and what apologizing would mean. To apologize would go to the heart of what his identity has been since he got in public office in the 1970s.michael barbaroMm-hmm. And he’s just not willing to apologize for that. Because in fact, he’s still proud of it.astead herndonThe evidence in front of us tells us that’s true. He was praising the crime bill just years ago. And he has called it, at some points, his greatest accomplishment. And he has shown a real resistance to the many opportunities that activists and other rivals have given him to say that those actions were a mistake.[music]michael barbaroAstead, thank you very much. We appreciate it.astead herndonThanks for having me.michael barbaroWe’ll be right back.Here’s what else you need to know today. On Tuesday, the Trump administration said it would end its attempts to ask about citizenship on the 2020 census, dropping the proposed question from the survey. The decision comes just days after the Supreme Court ruled that the administration had failed to offer a compelling explanation for including the question, which critics said was an attempt to discourage undocumented immigrants from filling out the census, and ultimately, skew the results of the census in favor of Republicans. And House Democrats have filed a lawsuit against the Treasury Department and the Internal Revenue Service, demanding access to President Trump’s tax returns. The lawsuit moves a months-old political dispute between Congress and the White House into the federal courts. At the heart of the fight is whether Congress has the legal right to review the president’s personal financial information. The White House says that such requests must be limited to materials needed to draft laws. House Democrats say that their powers are far broader and are not subject to second-guessing by the executive branch.That’s it for “The Daily.” I’m Michael Barbaro. See you on Friday, after the holiday. archived recordingThe truth is every major crime bill since 1976 that’s come out of this Congress has had the name of the Democratic senator from the state of Delaware, Joe Biden, on that bill. archived recording (joe biden)Where the court has concluded that a school district, a state, or a particular area has intentionally attempted to prevent black, or any group of people, from attending a school, the court should and must declare that to be unconstitutional and thereby move from there to impose a remedy to correct the situation. archived recording (bill clinton)“Three strikes and you’re out” will be the law of the land. archived recording (joe biden)In a nutshell, the president’s plan doesn’t include enough police officers to catch the violent thugs. archived recording (jesse jackson)This ill-conceived bill, fed by a media frenzy over crime, was on the fast track to the president’s desk for signature by Christmas. michael barbaroAnd what do we understand about how the black community back in Delaware felt about these tough crime measures at the time?astead herndonJoe Biden talks about, to this day, in his presidential campaign, they make a big point to say that the Congressional Black Caucus overwhelmingly voted for the bill and that black leaders at the time were very supportive of the bill. That is partly true. The Congressional Black Caucus certainly backed the bill after showing some initial wariness. The majority of its members voted for it. There were some vocal black mayors who were calling for these particular measures. But there were also some who were against it. astead herndonJesse Jackson spoke out against it. archived recording (joe biden)Not enough prosecutors to convict them, not enough judges to sentence them, and not enough prison cells to put them away for a long time. archived recording (bill clinton)We have the tools now. Let us get about the business of using them. astead herndonThere’s this split screen of Joe Biden that you often hear about when you talk to people in Wilmington. There is the neighbor who would go to black churches, would know the kind of leaders by name, and the issues they were advocating for. But then in Washington, you have a Joe Biden that is using those stories of Wilmington to kind of pass more tough-on-crime measures that some in that community say they weren’t asking for. In 1977, he first proposes mandatory minimums for drug sentences. And through the ‘80s, in his connection with Strom Thurmond, they end up passing a really kind of significant set of bills. archived recordingIt’s the devil — see, this cocaine ain’t nothing but the devil, and the devil was telling me to do it. archived recording (joe biden)I’m Joe Biden, and I’m a candidate for the United States Senate. archived recording (joe biden)And on the issue that the argument is about — and that is whether or not busing is, A, required constitutionally, and B, has a utilitarian value for desegregation — I come down on the side of A, it is not constitutionally required, and B, it is not a useful tool. archived recordingCrack, the most addictive form of cocaine, is now sweeping New York. archived recording (joe biden)If we want to have this campaign litigated on who supports civil rights and whether I did or not, I’m happy to do that. I was a public defender. I didn’t become a prosecutor. I came out, and I left a good law firm to become a public defender, when, in fact — [APPLAUSE] — when, in fact, my city was in flames because of the assassination of Dr. King. archived recording (jesse jackson)Spending several billion dollars on prisons and longer sentences is not the answer to reducing crime. michael barbaroAstead, to the average American watching the debates last week, what do you think that this now famous confrontation between Joe Biden and Kamala Harris seemed to be about?astead herndon- Advertisement – astead herndonJoe Biden himself tells a story about how he was the only lifeguard at a newly integrated pool in Wilmington. archived recording (joe biden)I haven’t always been right. I know we haven’t always gotten things right. But I’ve always tried. archived recording (joe biden)I have argued that the least effective remedy to be imposed is the busing remedy. michael barbaroFrom The New York Times, I’m Michael Barbaro. This is “The Daily.”Today: In the Democratic race for president, Joe Biden is being asked to confront a record on race that some in his party now see as outdated and unjust. Astead Herndon on the policies Biden embraced and how they were viewed when he embraced them.- Advertisement – archived recording (kamala harris)I do not believe you are a racist. And I agree with you when you commit yourself to the importance of finding common ground. But I also believe — and it’s personal. And I was actually very — it was hurtful to hear you talk about the reputations of two United States senators who built their reputations and career on the segregation of race in this country. And it was not only that, but you also worked with them to oppose busing. And there was a little girl in California who was part of the second class to integrate her public schools. And she was bused to school every day. And that little girl was me. So I will tell you that on this subject, it cannot be an intellectual debate among Democrats. We have to take it seriously. We have to act swiftly. – Advertisement –
Original April new house approval numbers for Queensland were one and half times that of March. Picture: AAP Image/Dan PeledOriginal ABS figures showed total Queensland “other residential” approvals – a category made up of flats, units, apartments and townhouses – more than doubled, with the biggest jump coming off the number of approvals for four or more storey unit blocks. Original April new house approval numbers for Queensland were one and half times that of March.Housing Industry Association senior economist Geordan Murray said the “surprise uptick in multi-unit approvals in New South Wales and Queensland” led to a lift in national building approvals of 4.4 per cent.Despite that, the HIA prediction was continued softening in residential building activity over 2017. “It is not unusual to see some volatility in monthly approval figures, particularly for multi-unit housing.” Detached house approvals increased by 0.8 per cent nationally during April. Picture: AAP Image/Dan PeledQUEENSLAND saw a 28.2 per cent surge in residential building approvals in April, the highest growth in the country.Australian Bureau of Statistics seasonally adjusted figures found Queensland was one of three states that saw residential building approvals grow over the month, with the other two being South Australia (13.3 per cent) and New South Wales (12 per cent). More from newsMould, age, not enough to stop 17 bidders fighting for this home4 hours agoBuyers ‘crazy’ not to take govt freebies, says 28-yr-old investor4 hours agoVictoria (-12.3 per cent), Tasmania (-12.1 per cent) and Western Australia (-4.8 per cent) went backwards.
After arriving in the Blake Griffin trade in January, injuries sidelined him only six games into his Clippers tenure. Nonetheless, he recently was recognized as one of the best perimeter defenders by NBA executives.Jawun Evans, G, 6-0, 190, Oklahoma State, 22Another Clipper hampered by injuries, Evans appeared in only 48 games in a rookie season that included a flashy outing at Washington, where he filled the stat sheet with 15 points, six assists and six steals.Danilo Gallinari, F, 6-10, 225, Italy, 30After missing 61 games with injuries to his left glute and right hand in 2018-19, the Clippers will count on the elite floor-spacing and playmaking abilities of their highest-paid player ($21,587,579). Shai Gilgeous-Alexander, G, 6-6, 181, Kentucky, 20With his 6-11 wingspan, the silky smooth 11th pick from Kentucky has been described as “special” by coaches and teammates – and foes. In a recent survey, NBA executives selected him as the biggest steal of the draft.Marcin Gortat, C, 6-11, 240, Poland, 34The Polish Hammer, who arrived from Washington in a trade for Austin Rivers this summer, is happy to be with a team so eager to involve him in its offense. Coach Doc Rivers calls him a pick-setting artist.Montrezl Harrell, F/C, 6-8, 240, Louisville, 24An NCAA champion at Louisville, Harrell brings energy and athleticism off the bench – and a heightened sneaker fashion sense, too.Tobias Harris, F, 6-9, 235, Tennessee, 26After politely declining the Clippers’ $80-million extension offer, he begins what could be a breakout season following his impressive play in 2017-18, when he notched career-highs in points per game (18.6), assists per game (2.4) and 3-point percentage (41.1 percent).Wesley Johnson, F, 6-7, 215, Syracuse, 31The longest-tenured Clipper and last remnant of the Lob City era, he will serve as a backup small forward and a role model for young players.Boban Marjanovic, C, 7-3, 290, Serbia, 30A fan favorite who arrived via the trade with Detroit for Griffin, Marjanovic’s stature around the basket makes him nearly unstoppable down low – and Rivers has said the friendly giant has the go-ahead to shoot 3-pointers too.Luc Mbah A Moute, F, 6-8, 230, UCLA, 32A Clipper from 2015-17, he’s back on a one-year contract following his one-year stint with Houston. He’ll strengthen the defense and offer leadership off the bench.Jerome Robinson, G, 6-5, 190, Boston College, 21A surprisingly high draft pick at No. 13, Robinson’s under-the-radar college production (20.7 points, 3.3 assists on 48.5 percent shooting) impressed those in the know – including Clippers consultant Jerry West.Mike Scott, F, 6-8, 237, Virginia, 30Acquired via free agency this summer, Scott signed a one-year, $4.3 million deal that could prove a bargain if he’s able to match his 40.5 percent 3-point shooting from last season with Washington.Milos Teodosic, G, 6-5, 196, Serbia, 31A EuroLeague veteran, Teodosic proved a productive part of the offense last season before a plantar fascia injury limited his availability in his first season with the team.Sindarius Thornwell, G, 6-5, 215, South Carolina, 23A late second-round pick prior to last season, Thornwell took advantage of opportunities on a depleted Clippers roster and wound up logging the sixth-most minutes on the team.Tyrone Wallace, G, 6-5, 198, Cal, 24The Clippers were so pleased with what they saw from the versatile guard in 30 games last season they held on to him, matching New Orleans’ two-year offer sheet to retain his rights.Lou Williams, G, 6-1, 175, South Gwinnett High School, 31“The coolest player in the NBA,” according to GQ magazine, he’s coming off a career year that included averages of 22.6 points and 5.3 assists – a performance that netted him the NBA’s Sixth Man of the Year award. Name, position, height, weight, school/country, agePatrick Beverley, G, 6-1, 185, Arkansas, 30A tough-as-nails tone-setter, he’s back after missing 71 games last season with an injured right knee, which cut short a promising start to his time with the Clippers. Through 11 games, he was averaging a career-high 12.2 points.Avery Bradley, G, 6-2, 180, Texas, 27 Newsroom GuidelinesNews TipsContact UsReport an Error
The JioPhone and JioPhone 2 users may soon be able to run WhatsApp and YouTube on their phones. The company had earlier announced that the two phones will receive the WhatsApp and YouTube support on August 15 but that didn’t happen. The roll out has been delayed but it seems that it will now soon reach the JioPhones.Telecom Analyst Sanjay Bafna in one of his tweets has indicated that beta testing for the WhatsApp and YouTube on JioPhone may have begun. JioPhone comes pre-loaded with Facebook app and now you can soon also download WhatsApp and YouTube from the Jio store.Though the bets testing are in process but you cannot the apps from the Jio store yet. You will have to wait for the next 15 to 20 days for that as the company is expected to do final roll out then. You can download the apps on both JioPhone and JioPhone 2 once it is finally rolled out.Meanwhile, the company has announced that the next flash sale for JioPhone 2 will take place on September 6. Reportedly, the company has managed to sell all the units of the phones in its first two flash sales. The third flash sale will happen on September 6 on Jio.com and MyJio app.The JioPhone 2 was launched at the company’s 41st Annual General Meet this year for a price of Rs 2,999. The phone succeeds the last year’s JioPhone and comes with a QWERTY keypad.#SBExclusive #BREAKING #WhatsApp and #YouTube on Reliance Jio’s #JioPhone #BetaTest pic.twitter.com/P46irhQTDladvertisement SANJAY BAFNA (@sanjaybafna) August 30, 2018Coming to the innards of the phone, the JioPhone 2 sports a 2.4-inch screen with 320 x 240 pixels QVGA resolution. The phone packs in 512MB of RAM and 4GB of internal storage. It features a 2MP rear camera and a 0.3MP VGA camera on the front. The connectivity options include Wi-Fi 802.11 b/g/n, Bluetooth 4.1 Low Energy, NFC, 4G VoLTE, and VoWIFI. Alike the JioPhone, the Jio Phone 2 also runs KaiOS operating system.To purchase your JioPhone 2, you need to first register on either the Jio.com or MyJio app. Enter your personal details, and make the payment of Rs 2,999. Once the process is complete, Jio will send an order confirmation notification on either the registered number or email ID, which the customers should save it for the delivery of the phone.
Selection for the 2007 World Cup in South Africa is on the line at the upcoming 2006 NTL.TFA has released the World Cup Selection Process and the Player Selection Registration Form.WORLD CUP SELECTION PROCESSPLAYER SELECTION REGISTRATION FORMEnquiries can be sent to Colm Maguire, TFA National Game Development Manager at [email protected]
Care GREATLY about sources of news and information onlineNurture your brand — it’s vital for these folks Like mobile for voice (and a few for data) but do not see their world on mobile phonesI think this is going to change very soon, pay close attention to this factor Source: http://www.gettingattention.org/my_weblog/2007/10/media-habits-of.htmlAbout the AuthorNancy E. Schwartz helps nonprofits succeed through effective marketing and communications. As President of Nancy Schwartz & Company (http://www.nancyschwartz.com/), Nancy and her team provide marketing planning and implementation services to organizations as varied as the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, Center for Asian American Media, and Wake County (NC) Health Services.Subscribe to her free e-newsletter “Getting Attention”, (http://www.nancyschwartz.com/getting_attention.html) and read her blog at http://www.gettingattention.org/ for more insights, ideas and great tips on attracting the attention your organization deserves.NOTE: You’re welcome to “reprint” this article online as long as it remains complete and unaltered (including the copyright and “about the author” info at the end), and you send a copy of your reprint. For first time willing (2005) to pay for digital content-never beforeInventory your information assets and think about options for distribution Will never own a land-line phoneWill not watch television on someone else’s schedule much longer, and much less interested in TVTV ads won’t work, unless they’re part of the show (how about cause placement?) Use IM. Think email is for their parentsLife of a 25-54Still read offline newspapers and magazinesCast your op-eds to this group, boomers and seniors Little interest in the source of information and most information aggregatedEverything will move to mobileMore than advocacy and fundraising alerts, and make it interactive please Aggregate information online and use RSS (though few know the term)Community important for tasks, much less so for socializingTrust experts on factual information but rely heavily on reviews of peers on hotels, electronics, etcStart to use social networking with these folks, they’re on the path of increased reliance on audience-generated content I recently read the 2007 Digital Future Report from the USC Annenberg School’s Center for the Digital Future, and am still digesting. Take some time to dig into the summary of findings that’ll help you shape your communications choices to today’s (and tomorrow’s) digital habits.Here’s are some crucial takes on habits of those 12 to 24–juxtaposed with those of audiences 25 to 54–and how they’ll impact your nonprofit marketing:Audiences 12-24Will never read a newspaper but attracted to some magazinesSo op-eds don’t reach them, at least in print Heavy into email Trust unknown peers more than experts/community at the center of Internet experience/want to be heard (user generated)Stop ignoring social networking
“Help! My boss hates marketing!” is one of the most common comments I get from people who speak to me after my presentations. Here are some quick answers to: “How do I get my boss/board/team to value/fund/stop hating marketing?”Simply stated, you don’t. Instead, you do the following six things.1. Stop calling it marketing. Call it something else.Instead of trying to convince your boss, board or team to love marketing, try showing them what THEY care about and how you can make that happen.2. Show how your “initiative” meets their agenda. Don’t position your agenda as a marketing campaign; frame it as your initiative to support your boss’s goals, in your boss’s language. Demonstrate how you are going to help make that fundraising goal, audience behavior change or front-page newspaper story happen.3. Make it about the audience.A good way to depersonalize different visions for “marketing” is to make it about your audience’s preferences rather than a philosophical tug of war between you and said boss. A little audience research is great fodder for advancing your agenda.4. Report every wee step of progress.Every single time anything good happens, be sure the boss knows it. Identify some early, likely wins toward your boss’s goals and report victories.5. Give your boss credit and put him or her in the spotlight. When good things happen, give credit to your boss. Create a dashboard that shows progress against your boss’s goals and let your boss show that progress to the board. Your boss will like you for it. If you pitched your organization’s story in a completely new, marketing-savvy way to reporters and that yielded your boss’s photo in the paper, all the better.6. Seek forgiveness, not permission. If all else fails, just do what you want to do anyway, quietly, and tell your boss about it when something good happens.
Let me introduce you to RE3.org, a North Carolina campaign to raise awareness about waste reduction and recycling. Launched in 2005, the RE3.org campaign targets high schoolers, college students and twenty-somethings via compelling social marketing strategies.Pay close attention, readers, to the thorough audience research campaign communicators implemented — working closely with collegiate recycling coordinators throughout the state to identify barriers to recycling perceived by twenty-somethings, and how they get their information and influences. Based on this research, the campaign has focused on social marketing techniques such as commitment, norms, incentives and prompts. Here’s how the RE3.org folks describe their social marketing strategy.Initially, the campaign used more traditional marketing channels, such as a Web site (yes, the Web can now be considered traditional), ads on cable, pre-movie ads, billboards, trucks and Mountain Dew cans (a favorite drink of the target audience).This year, the campaign has grown to incorporate some powerful social media techniques including:A BLOG! — Yes, the first time I’ve seen a social marketing campaign so effectively integrate a blog into its communications. Nice work. This blog is up-to-date (with posts three to five times/weekly), chatty, fun, interesting, and productive (used also as an informal idea motivator/workspace for RE3.org staff and supporters).Online WOM (word of mouth) marketing via YouTube (lots of catchy videos motivating recycling) and MySpace (sample Grandaddy Nature Anthem, it’s funny and memorable).Nice work, RE3.org. I know that much of its success comes from being so closely in touch with target audiences. It’s the only way to understand the needs, interests and habits of those you’re trying to reach.Source: http://www.gettingattention.org/my_weblog/2007/07/re3org-case-stu.htmlAbout the AuthorNancy E. Schwartz helps nonprofits succeed through effective marketing and communications. As President of Nancy Schwartz & Company (http://www.nancyschwartz.com/), Nancy and her team provide marketing planning and implementation services to organizations as varied as the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, Center for Asian American Media, and Wake County (NC) Health Services.Subscribe to her free e-newsletter “Getting Attention”, (http://www.nancyschwartz.com/getting_attention.html) and read her blog at http://www.gettingattention.org/ for more insights, ideas and great tips on attracting the attention your organization deserves.NOTE: You’re welcome to “reprint” this article online as long as it remains complete and unaltered (including the copyright and “about the author” info at the end), and you send a copy of your reprint.
Social proof is the powerful idea that if we think everyone else is acting in a certain way, we’re likely to act that way, too. People are conformists by nature, and we take cues about how to think and what to do from those around us. Social norms fuel entire industries. Would the fashion world be able to motivate us to buy a narrower tie or a longer skirt this year if we didn’t care what people think?At Network for Good, we’ve used the principle of social norms to increase donations through our web site. We state that more than 100,000 nonprofits have raised more than $800 million through our service to show how easy and safe it is to give through our system. Many charities have “cybergiving week” – that end-of-year spike in online giving. The psychological subtext is simple; everyone’s doing it, so you should too! Here are some ways you can generate social proof for your cause: Once you get some critical mass going, use fundraising tickers. Show how many people are giving, in real time. Count your community: Show how many people have taken action to create a sense of a growing community of like-minded people. Use testimonials: Quotes from people talking about why they support you are powerful. Other people are often your best messengers. In your call to action, choose wording that demonstrates that others are already participating, e.g. “join millions of other generous Americans” or “hundreds of other concerned members in your community”.,Social proof is the powerful idea that if we think everyone else is acting in a certain way, we’re likely to act that way, too. People are conformists by nature, and we take cues about how to think and what to do from those around us. Social norms fuel entire industries. Would the fashion world be able to motivate us to buy a narrower tie or a longer skirt this year if we didn’t care what people think?At Network for Good, we’ve tried using the principle of social norms to increase donations through our web site. We state that more than 325,000 people have given more than $112 million through our web site to show new users just how popular we are. In December 2006, when our traffic increases, we feature a real-time ticker of total donations so people can see just how many other people are taking action. In December 2006 and 2005, we partnered with Yahoo! on a “cybergiving week” to promote the idea that just as retail sales has black Friday, charities have “cybergiving week” – that end-of-year spike in online giving. The psychological subtext? Everyone’s doing it so you, should too! Fundraising thermometers and also send the message, “Other people are doing it, and you are part of something larger.”Here are some ways you can generate social proof:• Once you get some critical mass going, use fundraising tickers. Show how many people are giving, in real time.• Count your community: Show how many people have taken action to create a sense of a growing community of like-minded people.• Use testimonials: Quotes from people talking about why they support you are powerful. Other people are often your best messengers.• In calls to action, choose wording that demonstrates that others are already participating, e.g. “join millions of other generous Americans” or “hundreds of other concerned members in your community”